a song tribute to libyan freedom fighters 献给利比亚争取自由的义军们

the price of a mile

                                           -sabaton

Hear the sound of the machine gun
Hear it echo in the night
Mortars firing, rains the scene
Scars the fields that once were green
It's a stalemate at the front line
Where the soldiers rest in mud
Rosen houses, all is gone
There's no glory to be won

Know that many men will suffer
know that many men will die
Half a million lives at stake
At the fields of Paschendale
And as night falls the general calls and the battle carries on
I long what is the purpose of it all
What's the price of a mile

Thousands of feet march to the beat, it's an army on the march
Long way from home, paying the price in young mens lives
Thousands of feet march to the beat, it's an army in despair
Knee-deep in mud, stuck in the trench with no way out

Thousands of machine guns
Get on firing through the night
Mortars placed and wreck the scene
Guns the fields that once were green
Still a dead-lock at the front line
Where the soldiers die in mud
Rosen, houses since long gone
Still no glory has been won

Know that many men has suffered
Know that many men has died
Six miles of ground has been won
Half a million men are gone
And as the men crawl the general call and the killing carry on
I long what was the purpose of it all
What's the price of a mile

Thousands of feet march to the beat, it's an army on the march
Long way from home, paying the price in young mens lives
Thousands of feat march to the beat, it's an army in despair
Knee-deep in mud, stuck in the trench with no way out

Young men are dying
They pay the price
Oh how they suffer
So tell me what's the price of a mile

That's the price of a mile

Thousands of feet march to the beat, it's an army on the march
Long way from home, paying the price in young mens lives
Thousands of feet march to the beat, it's an army in despair
Knee-deep in mud, stuck in the trench with no way out

Thousands of feet march to the beat, it's an army on the march
Long way from home, paying the price in young mens lives
Thousands of feet march to the beat, it's an army in despair
Knee-deep in mud, stuck in the trench with no way out

Thousands of feet march to the beat, it's an army on the march
Long way from home, paying the price in young mens lives
Thousands of feet march to the beat, it's an army in despair
Knee-deep in mud, stuck in the trench with no way out

Thousands of feet march to the beat, it's an army on the march
Long way from home, paying the price in young mens lives
Thousands of feet march to the beat, it's an army in despair
Knee-deep in mud, stuck in the trench with no way out

notorious 'April 26 Editorial' 臭名昭著的‘四二六社论’

下面是四二六社论的全文（摘自维基百科）：
必须旗帜鲜明地反对动乱

　　在悼念胡耀邦同志逝世的活动中，广大共产党员、工人、农民、知识分子、干部、解放军和青年学生，以各种形式表达自己的哀思，并表示要化悲痛为力量，为实现四化、振兴中华贡献力量。

　　在悼念活动期间，也出现了一些不正常情况。极少数人借机制造谣言，指名攻击党和国家领导人；蛊惑群众冲击党中央、国务院所在地中南海新华门；甚至还有人喊出了打倒共产党等反动口号；在西安、长沙发生了一些不法分子打、砸、抢、烧的严重事件。

　　考虑到广大群众的悲痛心情，对于青年学生感情激动时某些不妥当的言行，党和政府采取了容忍和克制态度。在二十二日胡耀邦同志追悼大会召开前，对于先期到达天安门广场的一些学生并没有按照惯例清场，而是要求他们遵守纪律，共同追悼胡耀邦同志。由于大家的共同努力，保证了追悼大会在庄严肃穆的气氛中顺利进行。

　　但是，在追悼大会后，极少数别有用心的人继续利用青年学生悼念胡耀邦同志的心情，制造种种谣言，蛊惑人心，利用大小字报污蔑、谩骂、攻击党和国家领导人；公然违反宪法，鼓动反对共产党的领导和社会主义制度；在一部分高等学校中成立非法组织，向学生会“夺权”，有的甚至抢占学校广播室；在有的高等学校中鼓动学生罢课、教师罢教，甚至强行阻止同学上课；盗用工人组织的名义，散发反动传单；并且四处串联，企图制造更大的事端。

　　这些事实表明，极少数人不是在进行悼念胡耀邦同志的活动，不是为了在中国推进社会主义民主政治的进程，也不是有些不满发发牢骚。他们打着民主的旗号破坏民主法制，其目的是要搞散人心，捣乱全国，破坏安定团结的政治局面。这是一场有计划的阴谋，是一次动乱，其实质是要从根本上否定中国共产党的领导，否定社会主义制度。这是摆在全党和全国各族人民面前的一场严重的政治斗争。

　　如果对这场动乱姑息纵容，听之任之，将会出现严重的混乱局面，全国人民，包括广大青年学生所希望的改革开放，治理整顿，建设发展，控制物价，改善生活，反对腐败现象，建设民主与法制，都将化为泡影；甚至十年改革取得的巨大成果都可能丧失殆尽，全民族振兴中华的宏伟愿望也难以实现。一个很有希望很有前途的中国，将变为一个动乱不安的没有前途的中国。

　　全党和全国人民都要充分认识这场斗争的严重性，团结起来，旗帜鲜明地反对动乱，坚决维护得来不易的安定团结的政治局面，维护宪法，维护社会主义民主和法制。决不允许成立任何非法组织；对以任何借口侵犯合法学生组织权益的行为要坚决制止；对蓄意造谣进行诬陷者，要依法追究刑事责任；禁止非法游行示威，禁止到工厂、农村、学校进行串联；对于搞打、砸、抢、烧的人要依法制裁；要保护学生上课学习的正当权利。广大同学真诚地希望消除腐败，推进民主，这也是党和政府的要求，这些要求只能在党的领导下，加强治理整顿，积极推进改革，健全社会主义民主和法制来实现。

　　全党同志、全国人民必须清醒地认识别，不坚决地制止这场动乱，将国无宁日。这场斗争事关改革开放和四化建设的成败，事关国家民族的前途。中国共产党各级组织、广大共产党员、共青团员、各民主党派、爱国民主人士和全国人民要明辨是非，积极行动起来，为坚决、迅速地制止这场动乱而斗争！

——《人民日报》社论

有人认为，四二六社论中的部分观点是引发六四学潮的直接原因，若没有四二六社论，学生不会走向极端并给予当局镇压的口实。

below is cited from the wikipedia of the 'people's daily editorial of april 26' page:

Contents

Titled “It is necessary to take a clear-cut stand against disturbances” (simplified Chinese: 必须旗帜鲜明地反对动乱; traditional Chinese: 必須旗幟鮮明地反對動亂;pinyin: Bìxǖ Qízhì Xiānmíngde Fănduè Dòngluàn), the editorial begins by addressing the entire population of China, acknowledging their diverse expressions of grief.^[4] Specifically referencing the need to “turn grief into strength”, the editorial suggests that the poignancy of Hu’s death reaffirms the significance of upholding the four modernizations.^[4] Carried out by “an extremely small number of people,” subversive responses, which the editorial describes as mostly verbal denunciations of the CPC, are an example of “abnormal phenomena” to be dealt with swiftly.^[4]

Focusing in on the students, the editorial references their assembly at Tiananmen Square on April 22 in an effort to participate in Hu’s official memorial. The Party, acknowledging that the state of mourning creates “emotionally agitated” students, demonstrated “tolerance and restraint”^[4] towards this gathering, and the memorial was allowed to proceed without difficulty. The fundamental problem, according to the editorial, is that “an extremely small number of people with ulterior purposes” have taken advantage of students, teachers, and even workers, to promote a “reactionary” message against Party leadership.^[4] The editorial describes this small group of people as not grieving, but executing a “planned conspiracy” to “plunge the whole country into chaos and sabotage,” in order to “negate the leadership of the CPC and the socialist system”.^[4] This accusation declares actions like the spreading of rumours, the use of posters, and the forming of unions, as completely detrimental to the future of the nation.^[4] To put this in perspective, the editorial suggests that “reactionary” behaviour could potentially reverse the economic progress made by Deng Xiaoping’s program of reform and opening up. According to the editorial, this jeopardizes existing initiatives to control prices, eliminate corruption, and take on political reform.^[4]

The editorial therefore calls on the population to help stabilize the political status quo by refusing to take part in any disturbances. Illegal unions, rumour mongering, and “unlawful parades and demonstrations” are presented as not only violations against the state, but also against a student’s right to study.^[4] The editorial ends by alluding to a general agreement among students and the Party to eliminate corruption and promote democracy, emphasizing the need to end disturbances in order for China to move forward.

Intellectual critique

In mid-May 1989, author Wang Ruowang published a rebuttal, arguing vehemently against the editorial. Wang calls the accusation toward “people with ulterior motives” conveniently ambiguous since it allows the Party to target virtually anyone for persecution.^[5] He also claims that the editorial lacks evidence when referring to incidents like the shouting of “reactionary” slogans. Still, Wang argues, it deliberately mentions these incidents to provide a pretext for the Party to suppress demonstrators.^[6] While he sees the editorial as an attempt to reaffirm the authority of the Party, he argues that it has actually been counterproductive on this point. Wang suggests that by threatening the students, the editorial itself provokes tension, effectively heightening the disturbances it had hoped to curb.^[7]

Influence on the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests

Throughout the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989, the editorial remained a major bone of contention, as Party members argued about its message and students called for its retraction. General Secretary Zhao Ziyang, recognizing the editorial’s negative consequences, repeatedly made the suggestion among his colleagues to revise it. First, in a private conversation with Premier Li Peng, Zhao explained that though he himself supported the editorial, it had become “a real sore point” with students, creating an “us-versus-them mentality” that could be eased with a simple tweaking of the editorial’s tone.^[8] Li, on the other hand, argued that the editorial could not be altered, first because it was completely accurate, but also because it was a manifestation of Deng Xiaoping’s views, which could not be questioned.^[9] As the movement progressed into a hunger strike, Zhao again pushed to revise the editorial, with the belief that settling the sensitive topic would effectively ease tension.^[10] Following his resignation, Zhao made one last gesture urging Deng to “change the official view of the student movement” from the editorial’s perspective,^[11] but by this point, he had been discredited within the Party and his proposal was neglected.^[12]

Around this same time in mid-May, an attempt to end the hunger strike with dialogue further displayed the editorial’s resonance. Speaking to Li Peng, student leader Wuer Kaixi identified the description of the movement as “turmoil” as a major issue concerning the hunger strikers.^[13] He presented as a solution the publishing of a new, apologetic People’s Daily editorial, “repudiating the one published on April 26”.^[13] Li in response denied ever labeling the movement as turmoil, and no apologetic editorial was published.^[14]

i am living that life 我现在就是在过这种生活啊

9岁的谭嘉雯和外公谭荣运，住在杭州下沙525公交起点站的公厕里，3平方米。外公是公厕管理员，每月生活费400元，每顿都是大饼、咸菜就白粥。谭嘉雯上小学二年级，活泼爱笑，爱撒娇，说话尾音总往上翘。“你想过那种穿得好、吃得好的生活吗？”“我现在就是在过这种生活啊！”（钱江晚报）
A nine-year-old girl named Jiawen Tan and her grandpa Rongyun Tan lived in a public toilet in Hangzhou (the average price of apartment in Hangzhou city is over ¥20,000 per square meter. ¥6.6=$1.0), her grandpa is manager of the public toilet, with a monthly income ¥400, he could only afford flat bread, pickles and porridge for each meal. Jiawen is in her second year of primary school, she's active, optimistic and happy. A journalist asked her 'Do you want to live a life with nice clothes and nice food?' she said 'I am living that life'. (From Qianjing evening newspaper)

Americain rap song about the Tunisian revolution 美国人写的突尼斯革命之歌

lyrics:


Can you hear me, is someone there? Am I losing my mind?
Can you hear me, is someone there? Am I losing my mind?
Word, yeah
Still people have no obligations, there's nothing... that's so less talk about the seizure of Tunisia
The people have a voice to serve rulings and they breach they can change for the better
And have freedom of speech
Days... and I don't believe a stink, the way the change the prime minister's replaced
The president's... signing into Twitter it's the only way to hear the truth
People can't take a stand cause there's snipers on the roof
But where they get those guns from? Is still a chance that the government there
Somehow got them from France,.. used to occupy, Tunisia was the colony
That he was the... to us, to boost their economy and threaten the people there with
Jail time and sodomy, instead of being fair and run in a legal lottery
Instead of sharing the wealth to keep the people quiet
They'd rather keep the money and make the people riot, what's the science?
Can you hear me, is someone there? Am I losing my mind?
Can you hear me, is someone there? Am I losing my mind?

You can graduate from college, work hard and be smart
But the government there will still confiscate your car
Like you graduated from Harvard to honey, by some murderers
That wanna take your money, and eat your burgers off
Make you a... and telling you don't try, to be a natural... the tax is so high
That you set yourself on fire, the ambulance goes by
Pretending they don't see you, and the people they won't...
But the people that they do see, the people that will be...
The people want heaven, but the government wants hell
A government like the mafia thinking it's so easy
Till a hero comes along like Mohamed Bouazizi
And uses his education that give is like the booze
Only was selling was vegetables and juice
But the government doesn't really think that they can tax it
That's why the earth is spinning lob sided on his axes, tragic
Can you hear me, is someone there? Am I losing my mind?
Can you hear me, is someone there? Am I losing my mind?

Wael Ghonim: Inside the Egyptian revolution 古奈姆演讲：埃及革命内幕

the power of people is so much stronger than the people in power. 人民的力量远远强于执政者的权力.

I'll see you again 我们会再见面的

In this song, 'you' = 'Freedom' and 'Democracy'
We had you in 1911, but you left in 1949, we miss you...


Always you will be part of me 
And I will forever feel your strength 
When I need it most 

You're gone now, gone but not forgotten 
I can't say this to your face 
But I know you hear 

Chorus: 
I'll see you again 
You never really left 
I feel you walk beside me 
I know I'll see you again 

When I'm lost, when I?m missing you like crazy 
I tell myself I'm so blessed 
To have had you in my life, my life 

Chorus: 
I?ll see you again 
You never really left 
I feel you walk beside me 
I know I'll see you again 

When I had the time to tell you 
Never thought I'd live to see the day 

When the words I should have said 
Would come to haunt me 
In my darkest hour I tell myself 
I'll see you again 

Chorus: 
I'll see you again 

You never really left 
I feel you walk beside me 
I know I'll see you again 

Someday I'll see you again 

I'll see you again 
You never really left 
I feel you walk beside me 
I know I'll see you again 


I'll see you again 
I'll see you again 

I miss you like crazy 

You're gone but not forgotten 
I'll never forget you 

Someday I'll see you again 

I feel you walk beside me 
Never leave you, yeah 
Gone but not forgotten 

I feel you by my side 
No this is not goodbye x 3 
 I'll See You Again

Chinese Political Compass 中国政治指南针

下面这个问卷叫做‘中国政治指南针’，是北京大学的学生根据著名的‘政治指南针’问卷设计和修改的。每个问题有四个选项，A.强烈反对  B.反对   C.同意  D.强烈同意。 请根据你的第一感觉选择答案，如果可能的话请将您的答案发给邮箱westlife4mark@yahoo.com 谢谢。

This is a survey called ‘Chinese Political Compass’. This survey is designed from students of Beijing University in China and based on the well-known survey ‘political compass’.There are four choices for each question:

1. Strongly disagree   B. disagree    C. Agree    D. Strongly Agree

Please choose your answer according to your first intuition, if possible, would you send your answers to the email address westlife4mark@yahoo.com, please? thank you very much.

Political Part: 政治部分

1. If people were not educated with knowledge of democracy, they are not supposed to have the right to vote. 如果人民没有受过民主教育，他们是不应该拥有普选权的。
2. Human right is more important than the benefit of the government. 人权高于政府的权益。
3. The Multi-party system is not suitable in China. 西方的多党制不适合中国国情。
4. There is a major safety event happening. The government should publicize it even with a risk of chaos. 发生重大社会安全事件时，即使认为信息公开会导致骚乱的风险，政府仍应该开放信息传播。
5. The entrance exam to college should be made by each college, not the nation. 由高校自主考试招生比全国统一考试招生更好。
6. China is going to be in disorder if the government imports the freedom of speech from the western world. 在中国照搬西方式的言论自由会导致社会失序。
7. Religious people is allowed to educate other people with religions in public. 应该容许宗教人士在非宗教场所公开传教。 
8. All college students should have compulsory military trainings. 无论中小学生或大学生，都应参加由国家统一安排的军训。 
9. Unity of the country and territorial integrity is the most important social benefit. 国家的统一和领土完整是社会的最高利益。
10. A country has the responsibility to help other countries. 国家有义务进行对外援助。
11. A punishment should be done to the guilty criminal even if it violated the rules of trial and the rules of taking evidence. 哪怕经历了违反程序规定的审讯和取证过程，确实有罪的罪犯也应被处刑。
12. The president or chairman of a country can be uglified in artistic works. 国家领导人及开国领袖的形象可以作为文艺作品的丑化对象。
13. If the law could not fully punish and stop crimes, people have the right to stop it. 当法律未能充分制止罪恶行为时，人民群众有权自发对罪恶行为进行制裁。
14. The media is allowed to speak for a class or an interest group. 应当允许媒体代表某一特定阶层或利益集团发言。
15. A country is allowed to take any action to protect its own benefit. 如果国家综合实力许可，那么中国有权为了维护自己的利益而采取任何行动。
16. It is allowed to have multiple nationalities. 应该允许中国公民同时具有外国国籍。
17. China should unify Taiwan with military force. 条件允许的话应该武力统一台湾。
18. A country should train athletes in order to win in international competitions. 国家应当采取措施培养和支持体育健儿在各种国际比赛场合为国争光。
19. Lawyers should defend the criminal even if the criminal committed horrible crimes. 律师即使明知被辩护人的犯罪事实也应当尽力为其进行辩护。
20. Western countries do not allow china to grow strong. 以美国为首的西方国家不可能真正容许中国崛起成为一流强国。

Culture Part: 文化部分

1. A freewill sex between two people is allowed regardless of the marriage status. 两个成年人之间自愿的性行为是其自由，无论其婚姻关系为何。
2. I will allow my son to marry a man or my daughter marry a women if they do love each other. 如果是出于爱和自愿，我会认可我的孩子和同性结婚。
3. The contemporary china needs confucianism. 现代中国社会需要儒家思想。
4. Whether most people like it or not is an essential criterium to evaluate an artistic work. 判断艺术作品的价值的根本标准是看是不是受到人民大众喜爱。
5. Even with the pressure of population, the country and society should not interfere with people’s decision on how many kids they want. 即使有人口压力，国家和社会也无权干涉个人要不要孩子，要几个孩子。
6. ‘Book of Changes’ or ‘a Confucian classic’ or ‘Yi Jing’, and ‘the Eight Diagrams’, could explain many phenomenons. 周易八卦能够有效的解释很多事情。
7. Traditional Chinese medical science is superior to the modern western medical science. 中国传统医学对人体健康的观念比现代主流医学更高明。
8. It is not necessary to artificially simplify Chinese characters. 汉字无需人为推行简化。
9. China should bring traditional culture into school textbooks. 应当将中国传统文化的经典作品作为儿童基础教育读物。
10. It’s not good to talk about shortcomings of parents and grandparents. 不应公开谈论自己长辈的缺点。

Economy Part: 经济部分

1. The minimum wage should be set by the government. 最低工资应由国家规定。
2. All achievements and profits of economic reforms in 1979 in China are possessed by a small group of people, not most people. 中国改革开放以来的经济发展的成果都被一小群人占有了，大多数人没得到什么好处。
3. In major projects, personal benefit should be sacrificed for social benefit. 在重大工程项目的决策中，个人利益应该为社会利益让路。
4. It’s personal freedom to waste food. 浪费粮食也是个人的自由。
5. Government should take actions if the price of daily used items is too high, such as beef or oil. 如果猪肉价格过高，政府应当干预。
6. It is allowed to have a high tax on imported international items to protect domestic industry. 应当对国外同类产品征收高额关税来保护国内民族工业。
7. The profit of a state-owned business belongs to the state. 国有企业的利益属于国家利益。
8. An action to control the price of house and apartment will do harm to the economy. 试图控制房地产价格的行为会破坏经济发展。
9. Education is responsibility of the government. 教育应当尽可能公立。
10. The primary method to improve the life quality of a low income family is the help from the government. 改善低收入者生活的首要手段是国家给予财政补贴和扶持。
11. The wealthy deserve a better medical service. 有钱人理应获得更好的医疗服务。
12. People with a high income should make the source of income public. 高收入者应该公开自己的经济来源。
13. The contribution of a person dealing with allocation of capital is lower than that of a person doing labor work. 靠运作资金赚钱的人对社会的贡献比不上靠劳动赚钱的人。
14. If a state-owned business is facing bankruptcy, it’s a better idea to sell it to a capitalist than bankruptcy. 与其让国有企业亏损破产，不如转卖给资本家。
15. It’s harmless monopoly if it naturally forms from a free market economy. 市场竞争中自然形成的垄断地位是无害的。
16. Those very important business such as national security must be state-owned. 那些关系到国家安全、以及其他重要国计民生的领域，必须全部由国有企业掌控。
17. The accumulation of capital is always accompanied with exploiting other workers. 资本积累的过程总是伴随着对普通劳动人民利益的伤害。
18. A person should be allowed to own private land and buy/sell land. 私人应当可以拥有和买卖土地。
19. The government should pay more to peasents to increase their income, even if it may result in high price of food. 政府应当采用较高的粮食收购价格以增加农民收入。
20. An international business should be treated equally with a national one. 在华外国资本应享受和民族资本同样的待遇。

last one question, are you a Chinese? A. yes  B.no

Thank you very much for your participation. :)

Major Butchers of Tiananmen square massacre 天安门大屠杀的主要刽子手

 ‎1989六四天安門大屠殺的主要劊子手：
Major Butchers of the 1989 June 4th Massacre in Beijing

中共軍委主席[鄧小平] CMC chairman and Senior Leader, Deng Xiaoping
總理[李鵬] Premier, Li Peng
政治局常委[姚依林]  Politburo Standing Committee, Yao Yilin
政治局常委[江澤民]   Politburo Standing Committee, Jiang Zemin
國家主席(軍委常務副主席兼秘書長)[楊尚昆] Chairman,Yang Shangkun
政協主席[李先念] CPPCC Chairman, Li Xiannian
國家副主席[王震] Vice Chairman, Wang Zhen
軍委副秘書長[洪學智] CMC Deputy secretary, Hong Xuezhi
軍委副秘書長[劉華清] CMC Deputy secretary, Liu Huaqing
北京市委書記[李錫銘] Party secretary of Beijing, Li Ximing
北京市長[陳希同] Beijing Mayor, Chen Xitong
國防部長[秦基偉] Secretary of defense, Qin Jiwei
總參謀長[遲浩田] Chief of the general staff, Chi Haotian
總政治部主任[楊白冰] General Political Department Director, Yang Baibing
空軍司令員[王海] Air Force Commander, Wang Hai
北京軍區司令員[周衣] Beijing Military Commander, Zhou Yibing
北京軍區政委[劉振華] Political commissar of the Beijing Military Region, Liu Zhenhua
戒嚴部隊副司令員[固輝] Deputy commander of martial law troops, Gu Hui
戒嚴部隊副政委[史玉孝] Deputy political commissar of the martial law troops, Shi Yuxiao
北京軍區副司令員[齊運生]  Beijing Military Deputy Commander, Qi Yunsheng
北京軍區政治部主任/戒嚴部隊發言人[張工] spokesman for the martial law troops, Zhang Gong
38軍代軍長[張美遠] Commander of 38th Army,  Zhang Meiyuan
38軍政委[王福義] Political commissar of 38th Army, Wang Fuyi
15空降軍副軍長[左印生] 15th Airborne Corps deputy commander, Zuo Yinsheng
20軍軍長[梁光烈] Commander of 20th Army, Liang Guanglie
27軍軍長[錢國樑] Commander of 27th Army, Qian Guoliang
54軍軍長[朱超] Commander of 54th Army, Zhu Chao
67軍政委[杜鐵環] Commander of 67th Army, Du Tiehuan
國務院秘書長[羅幹] State Council Secretary, Luo Gan
國務院發言人[袁木] Spokesman of State Council, Yuan Mu